Also the CCF heritage is mass slaughtering humans such as being funded by biggest group of murdering companies. Founder known as the Philip Morris tobacco company. Those mother fucking cock suckers responsible for murdering many people and crippling non smokers health by exposing to second-hand smoke and making ex-smoker having reduced health. Sportsmen, trappers, hunters and other will support them to try to disable PETA, HSUS, API, FUNDS etc with slanders. Is like. I'd rather be supporting CCF and being responsible for killing nearly 1 billions people from a preventable death known as smoking. They are PROFIT organization funded by tobacco companies, they are anti-environment and bunch of right winged inbred hick assholes.
CCF was founded by this ugly motherfucker inbred hick bald Richard Berman..
60 Minutes has called him "the booze and food industries' weapon of mass destruction," and his nickname (from both friends and enemies) is "Dr. Evil", an alias in which he takes pride.
Also further more information added to the bottom about CCF frauding, flawed information and lies.
Which furtherly expose this ASSHOLE Richard inbred hick Berman who love getting aroused toward the suffering of dying cancer victim from the death addiction of tobacco because of his anti-anti-smoking movement.

In 2008 the Center for Con$umer Freedom received 1.52$ million in contributions
1.41$ million--or 97%-- went to Rick Berman and his PR company, Berman & Company.

Even David Berman the son of Rick Berman hates his own dad because Rick is a HORRIBLE person.
Check HERE

BERMANEXPOSED
Who is Richard Berman?

Richard Berman is a Washington, D.C.-based hired gun who uses front groups to defend his corporate clients against the public interest. Using his lobbying and consulting firm, Berman and Company, as a revenue vehicle for his activities, Berman runs at least 23 industry-funded projects, such as the Center for Union Facts, and holds 24 "positions" within these various entities.

The biggest anti-vegan is probably Richard Berman. His organizations probably spread the most anti-vegan, anti-animal, anti-health, anti-justice, and anti-freedom propaganda on the web.

The biggest anti-vegan is probably Richard Berman. His organizations probably spread the most
anti-vegan, anti-animal, anti-health, anti-justice, and anti-freedom propaganda on the web.

Here’s a bit about him:

“Richard Berman is the longtime president of the Washington, D.C.-based lobbying and consulting firm, Berman & Company, Inc. (“BCI”) which specializes in strategic research and communications. Throughout the years Berman has been a stalwart supporter of business and industry over consumer, safety and environmental groups. Berman has fought unions, Mothers Against Drunk Driving, PETA and other watchdog groups in their efforts to raise awareness about obesity, the dangers of smoking, mad cow disease, drunk driving, the minimum wage and other causes. He has been described in the press as a ‘notorious D.C. lobbyist.’

“Berman founded and runs four tax-exempt front groups and a number of linked projects, focusing on food, tobacco, alcoholic beverages and labor. He is well-paid by the represented industries to serve as the executive director of all four organizations. Berman then uses his own lobbying and public relations firm to do work for the organizations, thereby channeling between 49% and 79% of all donations made to the groups into his own pocket.
Even his own son hates him, Rick Berman values his stupid lying company above his OWN son. What a despicable man this dumb hick is.

As a result of his largesse, in 2006, Richard Berman used $2,000,000 in cash to buy this $3.3 million house.

Rick Berman is the head of the inapporpriately-named "Center for Consumer Freedom," a non-profit that he runs through his for-profit PR company called "Berman & Co." In 2008, The CCF received $1.52 million in "donations." Virtually all of that ($1.41 million) was funneled directly back to Berman & Co. or to Berman himself.

Rick Berman takes money from industries to attack charities they perceive as a threat to their business. For example, Berman has taken money from the alcohol industry and has attacked Mothers Against Drunk Driving. He has taken money from the tabacco industry and has attacked the U.S. Centers for Disease Control. He has taken money from the factory farming industry and attacked The Humane Society. The list goes on and on.

How effective is Rick Berman?

Is Berman succesful at hurting the work of charities? Or has he just managed to swindle a lot of companies and hard-working farmers? Let's look at his campaign track record.

• The alcohol industry has funded him to fight decreases in the legal blood alcohol limit…and he's losing (the limit is much lower now than it was years ago).
• Despite his tobacco industry funding, there are now smoking bans popping up nationwide.
• Despite his meat industry funding, animal welfare reforms are now commonplace and more people than ever are concerned about the treatment of farm animals.
• Despite fast food funding, we're seeing calorie counts being posted on menus nationwide.
• He took money from the tanning salon industry to fight taxes on their services, yet all tanning salons in the country are now subject to a new tax.

Time and again, Berman has raked in money while waging losing campaigns.

What's Rick Berman's psychological state?

We don't know of any psychological analysis of Berman that's public record, so it's hard to say. But let's look at what Rick Berman's own son has to say about him:

And Rick Berman runs his company in the way you'd expect such a "human molester" to run a company.

comes from there
OVERVIEW

CCF is one of the more active of several front groups created by Berman & Co., a public affairs firm owned by lobbyist Rick Berman. Based in Washington, D.C., Berman & Co. represents the tobacco industry as well as hotels, beer distributors, taverns, and restaurant chains. Hotels, motels, restaurants, bars and taverns together comprise the "hospitality industry," which has long been cultivated by the tobacco industry as a third party to help slow or stop the progression of smokefree laws. CCF actively opposes smoking bans and lowering the legal blood-alcohol level, while targeting studies on the dangers of red meat consumption, overfishing and pesticides. Each year they give out the "nanny awards" to groups who, according to them, try to tell consumers how to live their lives. Anyone who criticizes tobacco, alcohol, fatty foods or soda pop is likely to come under attack from CCF. Its enemies list has included such diverse groups and individuals as the Alliance of American Insurers; the American Academy of Orthopedic Surgeons; the American Medical Association (AMA); the Arthritis Foundation; the Consumer Federation of America; New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani; the Harvard School of Public Health; the Marin Institute for the Prevention of Alcohol and Other Drug Problems; the National Association of High School Principals; the National Safety Council; the National Transportation Safety Board; the Office of Highway Safety for the state of Georgia; Ralph Nader's group, Public Citizen; the CDC; and the U.S. Department of Transportation.

Over 40 % of the group's 2005 expenditure was paid to Rick Berman's public relations company, Berman & Co. for "management services. As part of its operations, CCF runs a series of attack websites, including ConsumerFreedom.com, ActivistCash.com, CSPIscam.com (attacking the Center for Science in the Public Interest), Animal-Scam.com, FishScam.com, ObesityMyths.com, Sweetscam.com, PhysiciansScam.com and PetaKillsAnimals.com.

STARTING OUT SMOKING

Mr. Berman launched the Guest Choice Network in 1995. Its initial funding came entirely from the Philip Morris (PM) tobacco company. GCN was formed so as to appear not to be "owned" by PM; address restaurant owners lack of interest in PM's " Accommodation Program " and broaden industry appeal. According to a September of 1995 letter from Mr. Berman to Barbara Trach , PM's Sr. Program Manager for Public Affairs, GCN was designed to:

He proposed that PM form an aggressive front group to motivate restaurant owners to aggressively fight bans, while appearing to be acting on their own:

"...if you want to gain more ground quickly for the smokers' rights issue, the (Guest Choice) program must create a proactive, aggressive mentality by (restaurant) operators regarding government smoking bans..."

He described how hiding PM's involvement would allow the group take more aggressive action:

According to a December 11, 1995 letter to Barbara Trach:

The purpose of GCN, as Berman explained in a separate planning document, would be to enlist operators of "restaurants, hotels, casinos, bowling alleys, taverns, stadiums, and university hospitality educators" to "support mentality of 'smokers rights' by encouraging responsibility to protect 'guest choice.'" According to a year end budget, Guest Choice planned to spend $1.5 million during its first 13 months of operation, including $390,000 for "membership marketing/materials development," $430,000 to establish a communication center and newsletter (which Berman promised would have a "60% to 70% smoking focus", $110,000 to create a "multi-industry advisory council," and $345,000 for "grassroots network development/operation."

PM complied with Berman's initial funding request for $600,000 and pitched in another $300,000 early the following year:

Aside from PM, there were no other publicly-known funders of Guest Choice until its public launch two years later in April 1998.

TACTICS

Personal responsibility

While most food lobbyists rely on the rhetoric of "personal responsibility" to blame the obesity problem on the failure of people to act sensibly, CCF, in contrast, denies the problem altogether. Their position is to "defend" the very notion of personal responsibility by tying it closely to the All-American values of choice, freedom, and rugged individualism against the food police, militant radicals, and government bureaucrats who want to keep you from enjoying your God-given right to Big Macs, Marlboros, and Budweiser.

"Free to choose"

One of CCF's favorite strategies is to align the interests of food companies with those of the consumers. It portrays these two groups as "allies" and the besieged "victims" of government regulators, nonprofits, parents, and other food-industry critics. By "consumer freedom," CCF means the "right of adults and parents to choose how they live their lives, what they eat and drink, how they manage their finances, and how they enjoy themselves." The free-to-choose argument implies that advocates of sound nutrition policy are diametrically opposed to the interests of everyone else and that they are killjoys with no interest in enjoying food.

A related salvo is CCF's argument that nutrition advocates and other food-industry critics are infantilizing people when they give dietary advice. CCF produced a television commercial showing people trying to enjoy all-American pleasures such as ice cream, hot dogs and beer, only to be foiled by a hand that swoops down and commandeers the offending items. A voice-over inveighs:

Marginalizing advocates

Part of CCF's method is to direct attention away from the substantive issues and to keep the focus on the messenger rather than the message. For example, CCF has created a website known as CSPIscam , whose sole purpose is to discredit and defame the Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI). CCF dismisses CSPI's work as media driven and reliant on "junk science" to scare people into believing that the group is trying to take away their right to eat whatever they want.

CCF explains its mission as fighting back against "self-anointed "food police," health campaigners, trial lawyers, personal-finance do-gooders, animal-rights misanthropes, and meddling bureaucrats." An important aspect of such rhetoric is to set advocates apart from the mainstream. These labels are meant to conjure up caricatured images of 1960s-style activism, complete with flag burning, sex, drugs, and rock and roll. CCf has also developed a website called ActivistCash that claims to "expose" the funding sources of various environmental and public health organizations. The site includes a list of "key players" in nutrition advocacy, including New York University nutrition professor Marion Nestle, who is described as "one of the country's most hystieral anti-food-industry fanatics," a food cop with "radical goals."

Implicit in CCF's food cop rhetoric is the idea that people who advocate for eating a healthy diet are motivated by personal agendas. They maintain a long list of people operating under supposed "hidden agendas." CCF is also accuses pro-vegetarian organizations like PETA and the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine (PCRM) of hiding behind an " animal rights agenda", though these groups are visibly and vocally trying to protect animals and readily acknowledge such. See also A Visit to the ActivistCash.Com Web Site .

CAMPAIGNS

Defending payday loans

In a March 2008 letter to the editor of The Capital Times (Madison, Wisconsin), CCF's Tim Miller defended the payday loan industry. "Research shows that when politicians respond to the calls of overzealous interest groups ... to eliminate payday lending, borrowers are forced to turn to more expensive and less desirable options," he wrote. "Economists with the Federal Reserve Bank of New York found that after North Carolina banned payday loans, those who were experiencing financial stress turned to bounced checks, bankruptcies and delinquent bill pay."

Anti-PETA and pro-mercury

CCF runs PetaKillsAnimals.com , a campaign against People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), as well as campaigns questioning the health impact of mercury in fish. According to Forbes :

In February 2004, there was an ad campaign on the Washington, D.C. Metro featuring a photo of a mouse next to a photo of a sick girl in a hospital bed, criticizing PETA for its stance on animal testing and imploring viewers to visit the website to find out more and donate money for similar ads. A search on SamSpade.org reveals that the website is owned and operated by Guest Choice Network and Berman & Co. See also Richard Berman cares about animals: clients exposed .

Anti-anti obesity

A September 2005 Forbes article describes ads CCF ran in its "anti-anti-obesity" campaign:

To rebut claims showing a link between obesity and junk food consumption, and to establish itself as the respected authority on the issue, CCF has adopted a multipronged approach, including:

• Lobbying against nutrition legislation unfriendly to industry interests.
• Preparing well-time press releases.
• Publishing op-ed articles and letters to the editor.
• Advertising its views in print and electronic media.

In April 2005, following a U.S. Centers for Disease Control (CDC) study that "obesity accounts for 25,814 deaths a year in the United States"; in contrast to earlier CDC studies suggesting 365,000 annual obesity-related deaths, CCF launched a $600,000 ad campaign. The ad ran in such major newspapers as the New York Times , Los Angeles Times , Washington Post and USA Today and called "obesity" a "hype":

CCF's Mike Burita said the ad campaign was part "putting pressure on the leadership of the CDC, who has still not endorsed this new figure" for obesity-related deaths. Claiming that CCF wanted "some perspective," Burita added, "Obesity is certainly a genuine problem. But when genuine problems become political issues they tend to become exaggerated, as this has." In early 2002, CCF ran national radio ads targeting studies on the link between food consumption and health. One ad referred to "red-faced picketers wielding pointed wooden sticks with signs that read 'eat tofu or die' on the way to your classic cheeseburger and fries."

CCF sponsors the ObesityMyths.com website, which purports to debunk "myths" about obesity.

CCF's claims about obesity frequently make a straw man argument about the body mass index (BMI), a statistical measurement which compares a person's weight and height and is used to assess how much an individual's body weight departs from what is normal or desirable for a person of his or her height. CCF claims that the BMI is a "flawed" standard because people with more muscle than average may weigh more than others of the same height, without necessarily having excess body fat. The CCF website mocks the BMI standard by listing muscular Hollywood action heroes and professional athletes; claiming that the government has deemed them "officially overweight."

In fact, U.S. government health standards do not rely exclusively on body mass index when giving weight loss advice. As the Obesity Education Initative of the National Heart Blood and Lung Institute explains, "assessment of overweight involves using three key measures: body mass index (BMI), waist circumference, and risk factors for diseases and conditions associated with obesity." A BMI higher than 25 is considered overweight, and higher than 30 is considered obese. However, the government's guidelines only recommend weight loss for people who are considered obese or who are considered overweight and have "two or more risk factors" such as high blood pressure, high LDL-cholesterol, a family history of premature heart disease, physical inactivity or cigarette smoking. Contrary to what CCF claims, these guidelines would not recommend weight loss for people such as Brad Pitt, Denzel Washington or Sylvester Stallone. CCF also loads the dice by misrepresenting the weight of many of the celebrities on its list. For example, it states that Brad Pitt is 6 feet tall and weighs 203 pounds. Other sources list Pitt's weight at between 150 to 175 pounds. (He was at his thinnest when filming Fight Club but bulked up for the movie Troy .)

Creating controversy

CCF's efforts to appear as an authority on obesity appear to work in spite of their lack of any identifiable credentials as a scientific body. CCF is regularly consulted by journalists on health issues and often positioned as the "other side" of relatively uncontroversial issues. For example, a September of 2005 article in the Los Angeles Times on data concerning the increasing the prevalance of obesity, quoted several health experts as well as CCF in order to create controversy. In the article, Dan Mindus, a senior analyst at CCF said that he didn't disagree with the data, but cited other studies showing tremendous drops in the level of children's physical activity and no evidence of higher caloric intake:

CCF also likes to publish well-timed, strategically placed op-ed articles in leading newspapers, aimed at putting an industry-friendly spin on potentially damning scientific studies. On August 26, 2004, for example, CCF director Rick Berman trashed a story published that week in the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) showing a clear connection between soda consumption and diabetes in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution. In an article entitled "Soft Drink Hysteria Hard to Swallow," Berman wrote:

Neither Berman or the Journal-Constitution explained why CCF should be more scientifically compelling than JAMA.

Anti-menu labeling

In 2004, California state senator Deborah Ortiz introduced a menu-labeling bill that was brought down by a CCF spearheaded campaign. CCF and other major food companies complain that menu labeling is costly and ineffective, claiming, instead, that the solution to the nation's obesity epidemic lies in better consumer education and personal responsibility. Joining the opposition was the California Restaurant Association, which predictably argued that the proposed law "sent the wrong message about personal choices and responsibility." The bill never made it out of the Assembly Health Committee.

QUOTABLE AND NOTABLE

In a 1999 interview with the Chain Leader , a trade publication for restaurant chains, Berman boasted that he attacks activists more aggressively than other lobbyists:

In November 2001, the Guest Choice Network launched a separate web site, ActivistCash.com , which purports to expose the "hidden funding" of various activist groups that support animal rights, food safety and smoking prevention. In January 2002 the Guest Choice Network renamed itself the Center for Consumer Freedom.

In a May 11, 2002 San Francisco Chronicle article, CCF spokesman John Doyle responded to questions about nationwide radio ads put out by the group. He said the ads were meant to attract people to their website and:

On November 16, 2004, the Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) filed a complaint with the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) alleging that CCF had violated its tax exempt status. According to the complaint, CCF engaged in prohibited electioneering; made substantial payments to Richard Berman and his wholly owned, for-profit Berman & Co. and was generally engaged in non-charitable activities. According to CREW Executive Director Melanie Sloan to Forbes :

In January of 2006, CCF's David Martosko was asked, in the context of CCF's campaign dismissing concerns about mercury concentration in seafood, whether they received funding from the seafood industry, from coal companies or utilities:

AFFILIATED ORGANIZATIONS

In addition to the Center for Consumer Freedom, Berman & Co. sponsors several other organizations and web sites, including the Employment Policies Institute (which fights to keep the minimum wage low and opposes mandatory health insurance for workers), and the American Beverage Institute , which opposes restrictions on drinking and driving.

FUNDING

CCF is registered as tax-exempt nonprofit organization and is required to disclose some financial information to the Internal Revenue Service which is publicly available by inspecting their IRS Form 990s. Like Berman's other front groups, it does not disclose the identity of its funders, but some information about it has become publicly available thanks to the 1998 attorney generals' settlement with the tobacco industry, which required tobacco companies to release millions of pages of previously secret company documents.

CCF claims to represent "more than 30,000 U.S. restaurants and tavern operators." However, the IRS Form 990 which it filed for the the six-month period from July to December 1999 (under the name of "Guest Choice Network") shows that almost all of its financial support came from a handful of anonymous sources. Its total income for that period was $111,642, of which $105,000 came from six unnamed donors. It received no income from membership dues. Some of its funding apparently came from one of Berman's other organizations, the American Beverage Institute , which "contributes monthly amounts to the Guest Choice Network to assist with media expenses." The Guest Choice Network did not report paying salaries to any of its employees, who were presumably paid by Berman & Co.

CCF's Form 990 for the year 2000 showed total income of $514,321, almost all of which ($492,500) came from seven unnamed donors. Once again, it received no income from membership dues and did not report paying salaries to any employees. However, it did list $256,077 in compensation paid to Berman and Co., Inc., for "management services."

In 2004, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) filed a complaint with the IRS alleging that CCF violated its nonprofit, tax-exempt status. IRS law prohibits private individuals from benefiting from nonprofit organizations, but CREW alleges that Rick Berman and his for-profit lobbying and public relations firm have received nearly $2 million from CCF and its predecessor organization since 1999. Tax-exempt organizations must have a charitable purposek, but CREW notes that CCF lobbies exclusively on behalf of food producers and the restaurant and tobacco industries.

2005 finances

CCF's Form 990 for the year 2005 listed total revenue of $3.67 million. Of its expenditure of $3.82 million in 2005, $2.19 million was for a series of major advertisements, $856,699 was for running a series of websites and distributring a daily emnail newsletter to "approximately 30,000 subscribers" and a further $214,000 on maintaining a "database of foundations grants and funding sources of organizations dealing with food and beverage issues."

Of the group's $3.82 million of expenditure in 2005, $1.62 million was paid as compensation to Berman & Co. , representating approximately 42% of the group's total expenditure.

Contributions

Through a whistleblower, the Center for Media and Democracy has obtained the following information about corporate contributions to the Guest Choice Network/CCF:
Contributors

Corporation	Pre-2001	2001	2002	Total
Coca-Cola Company		$200,000		$200,000
Excel/Cargill		$100,000	$100,000	$200,000
Monsanto		$200,000		$200,000
Tyson Foods		$100,000	$100,000	$200,000
Wendy's International, Inc.		$200,000		$200,000
Outback Steakhouse		$164,600		$164,600
Pilgrim's Pride Corp.		$100,000		$100,000
HMS Host Corporation		$50,000	$25,000	$75,000
RTM, Inc.			$64,872	$64,872
White Castle System		$43,872		$43,872
Perdue Farms, Inc.			$40,000	$40,000
Hatfield Quality Meats		$33,700		$33,700
Brinker International			$25,000	$25,000
Quantum Foods		$18,000		$18,000
Standard Meat	$17,500			$17,500
Applebee's International, Inc.		$15,000		$15,000
Coldwater Seafood		$15,000		$15,000
P.F. Chang's China Bistro		$15,000		$15,000
Performance Food Group		$15,000		$15,000
Rare Hospitality		$15,000		$15,000
Marie Callendar Pie Shops		$11,900		$11,900
Advantica Restaurant Group	$10,000			$10,000
National Steak and Poultry		$10,000		$10,000
Packaging Corporation of America		$10,000		$10,000
T. Marzetti Company		$10,000		$10,000
Trinchero Family Estates	$10,000			$10,000
King and Prince Seafood		$9,200		$9,200
Paradise Tomato Kitchens, Inc.			$7,500	$7,500
Michigan Turkey Producers Cooperative			$7,000	$7,000
Fired Up		$6,000		$6,000
Restaurant Concepts		$6,000		$6,000
Rosemount Estates (Southcorp Wines)		$5,300		$5,300
TriOak Foods		$5,100		$5,100
Armour-Swift Eckrich	$5,000			$5,000
Darifair Foods			$5,000	$5,000
Dean Foods Company			$5,000	$5,000
Ken's Foods Inc.			$5,000	$5,000
Simmons Foods, Inc.			$5,000	$5,000
Sugar Foods Corporation		$5,000		$5,000
Casual Restaurant Concepts		$3,300		$3,300
LTP Management Group		$3,250		$3,250
Anton's Airfoods, Inc.		$3,000		$3,000
Cameron Mitchell Restaurants		$1,250	$1,250	$2,500
Chart House Enterprises	$2,500			$2,500
Max & Erma's Restaurants, Inc.	$2,500			$2,500
Royal Cup		$1,000	$1,500	$2,500
Pro Edge		$2,400		$2,400
Comarco Products	$2,000			$2,000
Save-on Seafood		$2,000		$2,000
Sun Orchard, Inc.			$2,000	$2,000
conceCustom Cuts		$1,500		$1,500
Good Humor/Breyer's Ice Cream			$1,500	$1,500
Harrah's Entertainment, Inc.	$1,500			$1,500
Pro Clean			$1,500	$1,500
Worldwide Restaurants Concepts		$1,500		$1,500
Bestfoods Foodservice	$1,250			$1,250
Kagome, Inc.		$1,086		$1,086
Campagna-Turano Bakery, Inc.		$,500	$,500	$1,000
Carlson Hospitality Worldwide	$1,000			$1,000
Country Kitchen International	$1,000			$1,000
Daisy Brand		$1,000		$1,000
Eli's Cheesecake Company			$1,000	$1,000
Jeff's Gourmet Pies		$1,000		$1,000
John Soules Foods			$1,000	$1,000
KPR Foods		$1,000		$1,000
Raising Cane's Chicken Fingers		$1,000		$1,000
Revolution, Inc.			$1,000	$1,000
Ruth's Chris Steak House, Inc.	$1,000			$1,000
John R. Daily Company		$,750		$,750
Mexican Restaurants		$,750		$,750
Not Your Average Joe's		$,347	$,347	$,694
Buca, Inc.	$,500			$,500
Louise's Trattoria	$,500			$,500
National Everclean Service			$,500	$,500
North American Enterprises		$,500		$,500
Real Food Marketing		$,500		$,500
Ruby Tuesday, Inc.	$,500			$,500
Syracuse's Italian Sausage			$,500	$,500
China Mist			$,400	$,400
KorBert, Inc.		$,300		$,300
Crystal's International		$,252		$,252
4 B's Restaurants	$,200			$,200
North American Provisioners		$,150		$,150
Coffee Reserve, Inc.			$,140	$,140
Total :	$56,950	$1,392,007	$402,509	$1,851,466

PERSONNEL

Officers

The IRS Form 990 filed for 2005 lists the following officers:

• Richard Berman - Executive Director
• John Doyle - Secretary, Treasurer & Director, (roles which it states take one hour a week)
• Jacon Dweck - Director
• David Browne - Director
• Lane Cardwell - Director

Advisory panel

CCF also has an advisory panel. In 1998 it included the following individuals:

• Dave Albright - National Steak & Poultry
• Jane Innes - Perkins Family Restaurants, L.P.
• Steve Bartlett - Meridian Products Corporation
• Robert Basham - Outback Steakhouse, Inc.
• John F. Berglund - Minnesota Licensed Beverage Association
• Lou Chatey - Sebastiani Vineyards
• H.A. "Andy" Divine - University of Denver
• Timothy J. Doke - Brinker International , Inc.
• Richard Fisher - Tetley USA, Inc.
• William L. Hyde, Jr. - Ruth's Chris Steakhouse
• James Spector - Philip Morris , USA
• Michael Middleton - Cargill Processed Meat Products
• Daniel J. Popeo - Washington Legal Foundation
• Richard G. Scalise - Armour Swift-Eckrich
• Daniel Timm - the Bruss Company
• Carl Vogt , Fulbright & Jaworski
• Richard Walsh - Darden Restaurants , Inc.
• Terry Wheatley - Sutter Home Winery

Media

• Tim Miller - Communications Director, CCF & Employee Freedom Action Committee ; a Berman-created lobby opposing the Employee Free Choice Act .
• Mike Burita - Worked for the Frontiers of Freedom , Brent Bozell 's Media Research Center , Phyllis Schlafly & a variety of conservative causes and republican election campaigns.
• John Doyle - Communications director, Berman & Co., Spokesman for CCF, the Employment Policies Institute & American Beverage Institute .
• Tom Lauria , On February 24, 2000, the Washington Post reported that Mr. Lauria, "who helped peddle the tobacco industry's message at the Tobacco Institute before the lobby group was dismantled", had been hired GCN's Director of Communications. He left Berman's employ in 2001.
• David Martosko - Director of Research

Former personnel

The IRS Form 990 filed for the the six-month period from July to December 1999 by CCF (then calling itself the Guest Choice Network), listed, in addition to Berman, the following officers:

• Ray Kraftson - Director
• Dixie L. Berman - Secretary/Treasurer
• Dan Popeo - Director, Chairman of the Washington Legal Foundation , a corporate-funded right-wing think tank which paid him $301,593 in salary and benefits in 2000.
• Allison Whitesides - Director - Ms. Whitesides has also worked as a public relations representative for Coca-Cola North America and Outback Steakhouse . In November 2001, she went to work as a legislative representative for the National Restaurant Association .

CONTACT

Like other Berman & Co. front groups, CCF is headquartered at:

Berman & Co.
Note: the asshole's personal phone and address wont be displayed on here.

Web address: http://www.consumerfreedom.com

Rachel Maddow Exposes Humanewatch as a Project of The Center for Consumer Freedom

On the same day, he made another post on the message board revealing that he is the son of lobbyist Richard Berman . The two have been estranged since about 2006 , when David demanded that his father halt his work supporting guns, alcohol, union-busting and other industries of the like, or else he would sever their relationship. Richard refused, and the two have not spoken since. In the message board entry, he called his father "evil," a "human molestor," an "exploiter," a "scoundrel," and "a world historical motherfucking son of a bitch." Berman ended his post by saying, "I am the son of a demon come to make good the damage."

In January 2011, Berman launched his blog " Menthol Mountains ."